D. incapable of being the basic unit of society

55. Which of the following statements would the author not agree with?

A. All early marriages are not bad.

B. Bad marriages can he made from sixteen to sixty.

C. Satisfactory marriages are determined by chronology.

D. All later marriages are not good.

Section IV Translation

Directions: In this section there is a passage in English. Translate the five sentences underlined into Chinese and write your translation on ANSWER SHEET 2. (15 points)

Some recent historians have argued that life in the British colonies in America from approximately 1763 to 1789 was marked by internal conflicts among colonists. Inheritors of some of the viewpoints of early twentieth-century Progressive historians such as Beard and Becker, these recent historians have put forward arguments that deserve evaluation.

The kind of conflict most emphasized by these historians is class conflict. Yet with the Revolutionary War dominating these years, how does one distinguish class conflict within that larger conflict? Certainly not by the side a person supported. (56) Although many of these historians have accepted the earlier assumption that Loyalists (亲英分子) represented an upper class. new evidence indicates that Loyalists, like rebels, were drawn from all socioeconomic classes. (It is nonetheless probably true that a larger percentage of the well-to-do joined the Loyalists than joined the rebels.) Looking at the rebel side, we find little evidence for the contention that lower-class rebels were in conflict with upper-class rebels. Indeed, the war effort against Britain tended to suppress class conflicts. (57) Where it did not, the disputing rebels of one or another class usually became Loyalists. Loyal ism thus operated as a safety valve to remove socioeconomic discontent that existed among the rebels. Disputes occurred, of course, among those who remained on the rebel side, but the extraordinary social mobility of eighteenth-century American society (with the obvious exception of slaves) usually prevented such disputes from

hardening along class lines. Social structure was in fact so fluid－though recent statistics suggest a narrowing of economic opportunity as the latter half of the century progressed－that to talk about social classes at all requires the use of loose economic categories such as rich, poor, and middle class, or eighteenth-century designations like "the better sort." (58) Despite these vague categories, one should not claim unequivocally (毫不含糊) that hostility between recognizable classes cannot be legitimately observed. Outside of New York, however, there were very few instances of openly expressed class antagonism.

Having said this, one must add that there is much evidence to support the further claim of recent historians that sectional conflicts were common between 1763 and 1789. The "Paxton Boys" incident and the Regulator movement are representative examples of the widespread, and Justified, discontent of western settlers against colonial or state governments dominated by eastern interest. (59) Although undertones （含意）of class conflict existed beneath such hostility, the opposition was primarily geographical. Sectional conflict which also existed between North and South- deserves further investigation.